Commentary | Derhasat Narzary and L David Lal, Pursuing Autonomy amidst Political Complexities: The Bodo Political Journey in Northeast India
The narrative of the Bodos, a significant Tibeto-Burman group in Northeast India, is deeply entrenched in historical narratives and contemporary struggles. Originally known as the Kacharis, their historical eminence is well-supported, with their lineage tracing back as indigenous settlers of modern Assam. The 2011 census underscores their status as the largest indigenous tribal community in Assam.
Their journey unfolds as one marked by challenges and resistance. The loss of political autonomy following the British annexation of the Kingdom of Bodo led to exploitation and assimilation with the dominant Assamese, making the Bodos a marginalized group. Their response, through groups like the All-Assam Plain Tribes League (AAPTL), sought autonomy to protect tribal identity, a theme persisting into post-independence eras. Organizations like the Bodo Sahitya Sabha (BSS), All Bodo Students Union (ABSU), among others, emerged to champion cultural, social, and political rights.
The establishment of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) redefined political landscapes. Dominated by the BPF initially, the 2020 elections witnessed a challenge from the UPPL, signaling a shift in Bodo politics. However, this shift was not devoid of external political influences, particularly from the BJP, altering the political fabric and creating internal divisions. The Bodo struggle mirrors broader challenges faced by marginalized communities within unified political systems. The controversy surrounding the Bodo script movement and the imposition of the Devanagari script exemplifies this, representing clashes between identities and perceptions.
The quest for a separate homeland underscores the Bodos' aspiration for self-governance, free from perceived Assamese dominance and exploitation. This vision conflicts with Assamese cultural and political influences, leading to constitutional debates and assertions for pluralistic societies. The Bodos' story intertwines history, culture, and contemporary politics, highlighting their ongoing struggle for autonomy and representation within a complex socio-political framework.
“The Bodos’ story intertwines history, culture, and contemporary politics, highlighting their ongoing struggle for autonomy and representation within a complex socio-political framework.”
Accords, Promises, and the Centre’s Disillusionment
The pursuit of autonomy for ethnic minority groups stands as a notable solution to addressing conflicts while honoring diversity within a unified India. The journey of the Bodo community reflects a persistent struggle for self-governance and identity, marked by various accords and agreements attempting to secure their rights and aspirations.
The first Bodo Accord, the Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC) of 1993, initiated through the efforts of groups like the All-Bodo Students Union, faced a short-lived existence due to disputes over territorial jurisdiction and limited autonomy. This inadequacy led to the rejection of the BAC accord, reigniting the call for a separate state in 1996.
Subsequently, the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) emerged from the second Bodo Accord in 2003, aiming to fulfill Bodo aspirations while navigating economic, educational, and cultural needs. However, this autonomy, seen as a compromise, failed to achieve substantial empowerment for tribal communities.
The signing of the third Bodo Accord in 2020, the Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR), was envisioned as an evolution from the BTC. While meant to address Bodo concerns, critics argue that it dilutes council power and neglects non-tribal issues, leading to concerns over boundary demarcations and autonomy.
Contentions arise regarding clauses that compromise the demand for separate statehood, and discrepancies in boundary delineations have further fueled dissent. The BTR Accord's reliance on government commitments, rather than constitutional binding, has raised questions about the region's dependency on external authorities.
Moreover, criticisms about land rights, encroachments, and challenges with criminal cases post-accord underscore a lingering discontentment among various stakeholders, including former insurgent groups and civil societies. The fallout from the third Bodo Accord, as evidenced by dissenting voices, militant group formations, and perceived betrayals, illuminates the complexities and unresolved issues despite signing peace agreements. Concerns about withdrawn criminal cases and perceptions of unfulfilled promises compound the prevailing discontentment and distrust towards the government. The trajectory of the Bodo struggle for autonomy and representation exposes the intricate interplay between agreements, aspirations, and persisting challenges, emphasizing the need for comprehensive and enduring solutions to fulfill the legitimate demands of marginalized communities.
Strategies for Integration and Progress: Exploring Accommodation and Development Schemes
The discourse on addressing the grievances of ethnic groups through autonomy arrangements presents a complex spectrum of perspectives and challenges. Bodos demanded a holistic solution for their concerns, emphasizing evicting encroachers, establishing autonomous regions, preserving cultural identities, and ensuring power-sharing within the state cabinet.
However, Saikia present a contrasting viewpoint, suggesting that while political autonomy may promise local representation and self-governance, it can inadvertently fuel conflicts by empowering hardliners and fostering a privileged elite class. They caution against decentralized power structures becoming breeding grounds for renewed rebel groups, pointing to instances like Assam's Bodoland Territorial Region and the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) in Darjeeling as examples of how autonomy arrangements might overshadow developmental objectives for tribal communities.
The succession of accords—BAC, BTC, and BTR—in 1993, 2003, and 2020, respectively, aimed to address multifaceted aspirations of the Bodo community encompassing cultural, linguistic, educational, and economic dimensions. However, the efficacy of these accords has been questioned, with concerns raised about the diminishing autonomy within the BTC and threats to its existence due to illegal encroachments, which jeopardize effective governance and hinder inclusive tribal development.
The discussion around autonomy's effectiveness in resolving ethnic conflicts intertwines multiple layers of political, social, and developmental complexities. It underscores the need for comprehensive and sustainable solutions that balance cultural preservation, local empowerment, and overarching developmental goals, while safeguarding against unintended consequences that may emerge from autonomy arrangements.
Will the Periphery within Periphery emerge?
The complexities and challenges faced by the Bodo community in their pursuit of progress and autonomy present a multifaceted narrative encompassing various dimensions. The trajectory of the Bodo movement, while granted a degree of self-governance, encounters significant impediments that hinder their advancement.
Firstly, the trend of influential Bodo leaders aligning themselves with those in power poses a critical challenge. Transitioning between parties and holding authoritative positions, often dilutes the demand for a separate state, weakening the Bodo cause and undermining organizational histories that supported autonomy. Secondly, the encroachment upon the BTC Government's administrative jurisdiction by the State Government of Assam post the third Bodo Accord raises concerns. Instances such as the transfer of subjects and the placement of Deputy Commissioners under partial control of the State Government contradict the autonomy assured to the BTC under constitutional provisions, indicating a struggle for control and autonomy.
Moreover, the intricate power dynamics between the central government, state government, and the BTC Government further complicate matters. The partial placement of officials, lack of disciplinary powers for the BTC, and the designation of roles that don't align with the BTC's constitutional status pose structural challenges, limiting the BTC's authority and autonomy.
Another pressing challenge lies in the pervasive corruption and mismanagement within the council, diverting funds earmarked for development and public welfare. This misconduct impedes progress and exacerbates issues like the region's lower literacy rates, particularly among females, affecting healthcare and overall social development.
Ultimately, the current state of affairs points to a continued exploitation of the Bodo periphery, both by the overarching Assam state and the central Indian authority. This perpetuates a cycle of underdevelopment, depriving the region of vital resources and opportunities for growth, thereby trapping it in a cycle of systemic underdevelopment.
The BTR accord, ostensibly aimed at fulfilling the Bodo people's aspirations for a separate statehood, has instead sparked concerns about the existing territorial council's viability. The inclusion of a clause allowing the exclusion of non-tribal majority villages raises doubts about the sincerity of the agreement in addressing crucial issues like encroachment in tribal areas. The recent ULFA MoU introduces a further threat, potentially sidelining Bodo political influence, especially if ST status is granted to six communities of Assam. The decade-long loss of control over the Kokrajhar constituency to a non-ST candidate underscores the gravity of this threat. Despite MP Naba Kumar Sarania's family history, which shows the use of titles distinct from traditional Boro Kachari, the issuance of the ST(P) certificate in 2011 in his name as 'Boro Kachari' suggests potential interference by Assamese intellectuals and those in power aiming to weaken Bodo political relevance. The political strategies toward divisive Boro-Oboro politics in BTC vividly illustrate this complex scenario.
The ABSU's pivotal role in signing the BTR accord has taken an unexpected turn with its signatory President assumption of the role of President of the UPPL party. This strategic move, ostensibly to implement the accord, has, unfortunately, reduced the ABSU to a mere extension of the UPPL political agenda. This shift marks the abandonment of the once-vibrant dream of a separate Bodoland state, leading to an overall weakening of the ABSU. The accord appears to be a political bridge for a few leaders, neglecting the need for general amnesty to hardcore cadres and providing nothing for civilians affected during the conflict.
The withering of Bodoland dream is not only symbolic but also reflected in the erosion of trust, transparency, and accountability in the leadership, ultimately leaving the Bodo community grappling with the consequences of broken promises and compromised aspirations.
The issue of corruption within the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) is equally alarming. The audit conducted by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) during BPF regime exposes misappropriation of funds, unauthorized expenditures, and instances of embezzlement by BTC members and officials. The diversion of funds meant for education, particularly for the Bodoland Knowledge Festival (BKF), raises serious questions about the commitment to providing quality education under the current UPPL government. Additional allegations of corruption in the IAY scheme and accusations against the Vice Chancellor of Bodoland University the only university in Bodoland further paint a grim picture.
Despite being under the protective umbrella of the Sixth Schedule, the Bodo council falls short in ensuring equitable job-sharing opportunities for its youth, a stark contrast to some districts in upper Assam. Recruitment processes for major establishments like Bongaigaon Refinery and NTPC have seen a troubling lack of safeguards for local interests. The Central Selection Board (CSB) responsible for job allocations, previously empowered by BTC, has remained non-functional under the UPPL government, failing to fulfill employment promises.
Additionally, Bodo Medium schools are on the verge of decline due to a shortage of teachers. The establishment of a Separate Directorate for Bodo Medium schools lacks adequate powers and functions and absence of a dedicated infrastructure, further hampering their development. The lack of a comprehensive Separate Directorate for Bodo Medium Schools is reflected in the negligence and lackadaisical attitude of SCERT, Govt. of Assam, which is not under the purview of the Director of Education, BTC. This is evident in the errors found in the printing of Bodo books for primary schools. The recent dissatisfaction expressed by the Bodo Sahitya Sabha (BSS) and the All-Bodo Students Union (ABSU) during Gunotsav-2024, regarding the use of English in question papers, underscores the government's disregard for mother tongue-based learning, and the BTC government's apparent inability to address these concerns. This organizational gap hampers the delivery of quality education for the Bodo community, perpetuating a cycle of underprivilege and underdevelopment. Despite achieving 8th Scheduled status for the Bodo language, the community continues to experience educational disparities, underscoring the need for urgent attention and corrective measures.
The challenges faced by the Bodo community in their pursuit of progress highlight the intricacies and struggles inherent in their quest for autonomy and development within the larger political framework. Addressing these multifaceted issues necessitates a comprehensive approach that ensures genuine autonomy, addresses structural flaws, combats corruption, and prioritizes socio-economic development to break the cycle of underdevelopment in the Bodo periphery.
The current political dynamics within the Bodo community have seen shifts in power, notably witnessed in the 2020 assembly elections with the challenge posed to the dominant Bodo Peoples Front (BPF) by the United People's Party Liberal (UPPL), reflecting internal divisions and external influences, particularly from the national political entities like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The UPPL’s emergence posed as a credible alternative, attracting support and highlighting a growing desire for change among the Bodo electorate. The party’s rise signaled a diversification of political choices and aspirations within the Bodo community.
Both the BPF and UPPL play critical roles in representing the interests of the Bodo people. Their presence and competition have introduced a new dimension to Bodo politics, showcasing evolving ideologies, strategies, and approaches to address the community's concerns. The contest between these parties reflects the internal transformations and external influences (by BJP) shaping the Bodo political landscape. The BJP’s entry into Bodo politics marked a transformative phase, altering the dynamics of power and influence within the Bodo community. It strategically engaged with BPF and, more recently, the UPPL, forging alliances to consolidate its presence and expand its political footprint in the Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR). The party's interventions in Bodo politics have been strategic, aiming to establish a stronger foothold in the region by aligning with parties that represent Bodo interests. These interventions, while altering the traditional political landscape, have also led to shifts in power equations and alliances within the Bodo community. It is viewed as a step towards integrating diverse ethnic groups into a broader political framework, but at the same time it potentially diluting the distinct voice of the Bodo community by aligning with larger national ideologies.
The contemporary roles of BPL and UPPL underscore the dynamic nature of Bodo politics, marked by shifting allegiances, changing power structures, and an evolving socio-political environment. The BPF's established legacy and the UPPL's emergent influence contribute to the diverse political discourse and aspirations within the Bodo community, ultimately impacting the trajectory of autonomy and development in the region.
The current landscape of Bodo politics in Assam demands a comprehensive approach that ensures genuine autonomy, addresses structural flaws, and prioritizes socio-economic development. Meaningful participation of all stakeholders, transparent governance, and a commitment to inclusive development are vital to overcoming the challenges and fulfilling the legitimate aspirations of the Bodo community.
Derhasat Narzary is a doctoral student at the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Information Technology Guwahati. His research area of focus is on development and live hood schemes, public policy and tribal politics in Assam.
L David Lal is a Faculty at the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Information Technology Guwahati. He has authored research reports for United Nations Development Programme, International Development Research Centre, Canada, Christian Aid, India, Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India. His research area of focus is on the identity politics, public policy, sociopolitical history of the marginalized and caste and ethnic violence in India.
To cite this essay, use the bibliographic entry suggested below:
Derhasat Narzary and L David Lal, “Pursuing Autonomy amidst Political Complexities: The Bodo Political Journey in Northeast India,” criticalasianstudies.org Commentary Board, 2/20/2024; https://doi.org/10.52698/PPML8090.